Cultural Studies Cheat Sheet

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前面的话

Thu, 10 Jan 2008 01:02:55 GMT

Cultural Studies Cheat Sheet是一个非赢利的学术研究项目，虽然本项目采用tiddlywiki技术，但它并不是严格意义上的辞典或是百科全书，甚至也不是文化研究中流行的关键词。恰恰相反，这里或许会包含相当多的非关键词或是不关键词。将它命名为Cultural Studies Cheat Sheet倒不是说真的在某个关于文化研究的考场上起到小抄作用，只是希望能为文化研究者们提供一个顺手的工具。当然有心人会发现，它的缩写CSCS无疑是向CCCS先辈们的致敬。

本人很早就有采用网络技术，建成首个以文化媒体研究为主题的中文非线性读物。早在我制作国内最早的那个文化研究站点时，本人就有过初步尝试，但由于经济、学力等种种原因，一直非能如愿。希望wiki技术的方便与tiddly的低成本、低科技能完成这个梦想。此项目由本人发起，暂时先由本人提供进行辞条收录与技术支持，希望更多的学者能加入进来，合力撰写辞条，当然版权将按照网络世界通行的CC原则。

欢迎大家提供宝贵意见与建议。
culturalstudies@gmail.com

章戈浩
拉夫堡大学文化与媒体分析博士候选人
威斯敏斯特大学中国视觉文化项目研究助理

2008年元月

理查德·霍加特

Tue, 08 Jan 2008 20:39:00 GMT

赫伯特·理查德·霍加特（Herbert Richard Hoggart） (生于1918年9月24日) 英国学术与公众人物,他横跨社会学、英国文学与文化研究等诸多领域，对英国的大众文化特别关注。

霍加特出生于里兹（Leeds），先后在Cockburn高中与里兹大学(Leeds University)就读。他二战期间曾在皇家炮兵服役。1946年至1959，他被赫尔（Hull）大学任命为staff tutor,1959年至1962年在莱斯特大学（Leicester University）担任英文高级讲师。

他最负盛名的作品是《识字的用途》（The Uses of Literacy1957 ），
(1957)[1]。在这部半自传性的作品中，他痛惜真正的大众文化（popular culture）的丧失，谴责了文化工业生产出的群众文化mass culture的侵入。
此书大为将文学研究拓展到了报纸、杂志、流行音乐等等领域，以及这些领域与个人日常生活结构的相互关系。相比文学评论家利维斯等人，他对大众文化的给予了更深的关注，这无疑反映了他本人的工人阶级背景。在他看来，战前的大众文化构成了有机的整体，这一点上，他与利维斯颇为不同。

霍加特作为专家参与了《查太莱夫人的情人》审判，他在陈述中声明，这部作品是一部清教徒式，符合道德的作品，只是稍稍含有他在来法院路上经过建筑工地时听到过的一些词句。通常认为，他的陈述对审判的结果具有决定性的影响。

他于1962年－1973年间在伯明翰大学担任英语教授，并于1964年创建伯明翰大学当代文化研究中心，并担任中心主任直至1973年。此后他担任了联合国教科文组织担任副秘书长（1971－1975），在伦敦大学戈德斯密学院（Goldsmith college）担任院长（Warden）（1977－1981），并在此退休。为了纪念霍加特的突出贡献，戈德斯密学院的主楼被命名为“理查德·霍加特楼”。

霍加特担任了众多公众机构，公众委员会的委员，如
Albermarle Committee on Youth Services (1958-1960); the Pilkington Committee on Broadcasting (1960-1962); the Arts Council of Great Britain (1976-1981); and the Statesman and Nation Publishing Company Ltd (1977-1981). 他也曾任 the Advisory Council for Adult and Continuing Education (1977-1983), the Broadcasting Research Unit (1981-1991)主席, 以及the Royal Shakespeare Theatre 院长(1962-1988)。

著作目录

* Auden (Chatto, 1951) ISBN 0-7011-0762-6 biography of W.H. Auden
* The Uses of Literacy: Aspects of Working Class Life (Chatto and Windus, 1957) ISBN 0-7011-0763-4
* Teaching Literature (Nat. Inst. of Adult Education, 1963) ISBN 0-900559-19-5
* Higher Education and Cultural Change: A Teacher's View (Earl Grey Memorial Lecture) (Univ.Newcastle, 1966) ISBN 0-900565-62-4
* Contemporary Cultural Studies: An Approach to the Study of Literature and Society (Univ. Birmingham, Centre for Contemp. Cult. Studies, 1969) ISBN 0-901753-03-3 paper is based on a lecture given to the annual conference of the American Association for Higher Education at Chicago on 20 March 1978
* Speaking to Each Other: About Society v. 1 (Chatto and Windus, 1970) ISBN 0-7011-1463-0
* Speaking to Each Other: About Literature v. 2 (Chatto and Windus, 1970) ISBN 0-7011-1514-9
* Only Connect: On Culture and Communication (Reith Lectures) (Chatto and Windus, 1972) ISBN 0-7011-1865-2
* After Expansion, a Time for Diversity: The Universities Into the 1990's (ACACE, 1978) ISBN 0-906436-00-1
* An Idea and Its Servants: UNESCO from Within (Chatto and Windus, 1978) ISBN 0-7011-2371-0
* An English Temper (Chatto and Windus, 1982) ISBN 0-7011-2581-0
* The Future of Broadcasting by Richard Hoggart, Janet Morgan (Holmes & Meier, 1982) ISBN 0-8419-5090-3
* British Council and the Arts by Richard Hoggart et al (British Council, 1986) ISBN 0-86355-048-7
* The Worst of Times: An Oral History of the Great Depression in Britain by Nigel Gray, Richard Hoggart (Barnes & Noble Imports, 1986) ISBN 0-389-20574-5
* An Idea of Europe (Chatto and Windus, 1987) ISBN 0-7011-3244-2)
* A Local Habitation, 1918-40 (Chatto and Windus, 1988) ISBN 0-7011-3305-8
* Liberty and Legislation (Frank Cass Publishers, 1989) ISBN 0-7146-3308-9
* A Sort of Clowning: Life and Times, 1940-59 (Chatto and Windus, 1990) ISBN 0-7011-3607-3 first volume of Hoggart's "Life and Times" described his working-class childhood in Leeds
* An Imagined Life: Life and Times 1959-91 (Chatto and Windus, 1992) ISBN 0-7011-4015-1)
* Townscape with Figures: Farnham - Portrait of an English Town (Chatto and Windus, 1994) ISBN 0-7011-6138-8
* A Measured Life: The Times and Places of an Orphaned Intellectual (Transaction Publishers, 1994) ISBN 1-56000-135-6
* The Way We Live Now: Dilemmas in Contemporary Culture (Chatto and Windus, 1995) ISBN 0-7011-6501-4 republished as The Tyranny of Relativism: Culture and Politics in Contemporary English Society (Transaction Publishers, 1997) ISBN 1-56000-953-5
* First and Last Things: The Uses of Old Age (Aurum Press, 1999) ISBN 1-85410-660-0
* Between Two Worlds: Essays, 1978-1999 (Aurum Press, 2001) ISBN 1-85410-782-8
* Between Two Worlds: Politics, Anti-Politics, and the Unpolitical (Transaction Publishers, 2002) ISBN 0-7658-0097-7
* Everyday Language and Everyday Life (Transaction Publishers, 2003) ISBN 0-7658-0176-0
* Mass Media in a Mass Society: Myth and Reality (Continuum International Publishing Group - Academi, 2004) ISBN 0-8264-7285-0

斯图亚特·霍尔

Tue, 08 Jan 2008 20:27:00 GMT

霍尔的生平与早期作品

霍尔1932年生于牙买加，成长于一个他自称为“一个想成为上层中产阶级家庭的下层中产阶级家庭，而上层上产阶级家庭又想成为英国维多利亚式家庭”。1951年他获得牛津大学罗德奖学金赴英国留学。1956年由于他放弃了以研究美国小说家亨利•杰姆斯为课题的博士学位。也正是此时，他与新左派发生联系，并随后担任了《新左派评论》的编辑。1961年，他开始学术生涯，进入伦敦大学切尔西学院教授媒体、电影和大众文化方面的课程。1964年，他受霍加特之邀前往伯明翰大学当代文化研究中心，自1968至1979年他担任了该中心主任。1979年他前往公开大学任社会学教授，直至1997年退休。

目前尚无一部完全的霍尔作品全集，事实上，很难清晰地分别在诸多书脊上冠以“霍尔等著”中哪一些具体由他亲自操刀。这一事实体现了伯明翰当代文化研究中心、公开大学乃至英国文化研究的一项重要传统：许多重要的作品和研究项目均是合作产生。霍尔的早期作品《大众艺术》是与韦纳尔（Paddy Whannel）合著，《仪式性反抗》是与托尼•杰弗逊等人（Tony Jefferson, John Clarke, Brian Roberts）合编。另一个原因在于他本人反对以选本、读本、全集等方式出版他的作品，主要他不愿以在这种选编过程中生产出对他作品本来不具备的一致性。当然，分散的文章更便于他根据现实，不断地作出修订与重述。他关于媒体研究、文化研究发展的几篇文章如《媒体话语的编码/解码》（Encoding/Decoding of Media Discourse）与《编码/解码》（Encoding/Decoding）；《文化研究与中心：问题意识与问题》（Cultural Studies and Centre: Problematic and Problem）与《文化研究：两种范式》（Cultural Studies: Two Paradigms）之间明显存在前后演进关系，甚至在遣词造句上都流露出痕迹。由于同样的原因，霍尔的作品也没有一个完整的目录，在陈光兴与大卫•莫利编辑的《斯图斯特•霍尔：文化研究的批判对话》（中文版）列了较为完整的目录。

霍尔在新左派时期最主要的论文是1958年发表于《大学与新左派评论》的《无产阶级的意识》。这篇对工人社区战后对待消费态度的变化的分析已经显露出霍尔对经济决定论的批评立场。

1964年出版的与韦纳尔合著的大众艺术》是霍尔出版的第一本学术作品。这本书与后来霍尔的作品有着明显的思想上的差异，却无疑是霍尔思想的地平线。他并不是从学术研究进入大众文化领域，而是通过与新左派的联系，从另一层面进入这一领域。这本书正是他“前文化研究”的新左派生涯与“文化研究”思想的承先启后的转折点。在这本书中他形成了后来一以贯之的思路，文化不仅仅只是社会政治变迁的反映，而更具有构建作用。他挑战了传统的高文化好，低文化不好的思维模式，同时又力图区分大众文化（popular culture）与民间文化（folk culture）,群众文化（mass culture）。在这本书中他坦言来自霍加特、威廉姆斯以至利维斯的影响。而有趣的是，在这本书中完全没有提到马克思，虽然很容易从中找到马克思思想的影响。

从编码/解码到受众研究

1972年霍尔在伯明翰当代研究中心的工作论文集第3卷中发表了《新闻照片的决定》（The determination of news photographs），这篇文章明显受到巴特符号学的影响。此后他又陆续写作了《越轨、政治与媒体》（Deviance, politics and the media）以及对图片新闻杂志Picutre Post，以及对电视节目Panorama的分析。当然在这一系列采用结构主义符号学进行的媒体分析文章中最为著名的莫过于他在伯明翰当代研究中心铅印论文集第7辑上发表了《媒体话语中的编码与解码》（Endocding and decoding in the media discourse）。在这篇文章中他首次提出了使他后来颇受传播媒体研究学者关注的“编码－解码”理论。他采用马克思主义结构主义的观点论证，媒体话语不是呈现意义，而是在社会生产、流通与消费中生产意义。这篇文章的一个更正式和更广为人知的版本《编码/解码》于7年后在重新编辑的伯明翰工作论文集《文化、媒体与语言》（Culture Media and Language）中出现。后者已有多种中文译本，国内学术界也已有不少讨论。

英语世界较早而且较有影响的对编码解码的研究是发表于1983年的贾斯汀•韦沦-刘易斯的（Justin Wren-Lewis）的《编码/解码模式：批评与解码研究的再发展》。这篇发表于《媒体文化与社会》的文章很快被诸多实证研究所超越。由于霍尔的编码/解码模式并不是建立在实证研究之上，他的学生大卫•莫利对电视节目《举国上下》的研究引发了对这一模式的实证证明或证伪的风潮。类似的研究还包括霍尔的另一弟子 Janice Winship于1980年发表于伯明翰当代文化研究中心铅印论文集第59卷的《女性杂志的广告1956－1974》（Advertising in women’ magazine: 1956-1974， CCCS Stencilled paper no59, 1980）以及Buckingham 的《公众秘密：东区人及其观众》（Public Secrets: Easterners and its Audience, British Film Institute London,1987）。而这一系列研究实际上将原来的媒体研究的领域大大拓展，从文本解读引入到受众研究。事实上大卫•莫利等人的作品不仅超越霍尔研究的意义，反讽的是他们的研究也成为当前媒体研究的经典文本，成为了被研究的对象。

从《仪式性反抗》到亚文化研究

1976年出版的《仪式性反抗》(Resistance Through Ritual)则不仅是冠以“霍尔等著”的重要作品，也是伯明翰当代文化研究中心，甚至英国文化研究中的重要作品之一。全书含十九篇作品，包括理论一、民族志、理论二、方法四部分。大部分作品来自霍尔的弟子。他们当中的不少人成为了文化研究领域现今赫赫有名的大师级人物如迪克•海布迪支、保罗•威利斯、安吉拉•麦克罗比、格雷厄姆•默多克等。署名霍尔、约翰•克莱尔、托尼•杰弗逊、布莱恩•罗伯茨的《亚文化、文化与阶级》（Subculture, Culture and Class）长达数十页，是一篇作为全书导言性质的文章，正在此文中出现了对亚文化的重要定义：这是青年通过风格协调他们的阶级存在。

类似于《编码/解码》引发了受众研究这一新的研究领域，《仪式性反抗》则引发了亚文化研究。1997年由Ken Gelder and Sara Thornton所主编的《亚文化读本》（The Subculture Reader）一书中将伯明翰当代文化研究中心的研究与芝加哥学派的社会学研究作为亚文化的两大传统。在《仪式性反抗》中出现了的不少篇目和作者，此后不断地在亚文化研究领域中反复出现，直到如今它们也被视作经典。比如曾参与了《仪式性反抗》一书的海布迪支，将他在书中的研究《摩登派的意义》(The Meaning of Mod)进一步深入，于1979年出版了《亚文化：风格的意义》(Subculture: the Meaning of Style)，另一名作者保罗•威利斯的研究《吸毒的文化研究》（The Cultural Meaning of Drug Use）也曾入选书中，此后他沿袭对白人工人阶级青年亚文化与阶级、意识形态的关注，发表《学习劳动》（Learning to Labour）。这都已成为亚文化研究中的经典作品。有趣的是同样在《仪式性反抗》中出现的安吉拉•麦克罗比的《女孩与亚文化》，引发了麦克罗比本人为代表的文化研究的女性主义研究的取向。而这一支女性主义研究的出现在学科政治的意义上一定程度上导致了霍尔离开伯明翰大学。而他的离开又为他个人思想的演进与伯明翰学派的发展埋下了伏笔。

从《监控危机》到道德恐慌研究

《仪式性反抗》出版2年后，霍尔与B Lumley， GmcLennan共同编辑了《论意识形态》。这也是伯明翰当代文化研究中心系列作品中理论性最强的一部。书中霍尔亲自执笔的文章有两篇《科学的腹地：意识形态与“知识社会学”》(The hinterland of Science: Ideology and The “Sociology of Knowledge”)和他与此书另两位编者共同写作的《政治与意识形态：葛兰西》(Politics and Ideology: Gramsci)。同书中还收录了对卢卡奇、阿尔都塞等人理论的介绍。这本书明晰地显示出对霍尔思想形成的两个重要理论资源葛兰西与与阿尔都塞。《论意识形态》出版的同年霍尔参与编辑了《监控危机》(Policing the Crisis)此书被有的评论家当成伯明翰当代研究中心最成功的研究作品。这本书源自1972年11月的汉茨沃斯事件。一个爱尔兰工人在伯明翰的汉茨沃斯被几个黑人少年抢劫殴打。这种被称为mugging的行为引起了全国媒体的关注。《仪式性反抗》一书已有了对此事件的最初反应。《监控危机》则将对mugging的研究放到了“道德恐慌”的语境中。在方法论上《监控危机》与《仪式性反抗》基本相同，也同样显现出葛兰西与阿尔都塞思想的影响。虽然这两本书中所研究的对象有所不同，一个是白人工人阶级的亚文化，另一个则是作为少数民族的黑人。但两本书都是对战后英国的文化进行民族志纪录性与结构性的解读。这两部作品不仅纪录大众媒体对白人青年亚文化，还是黑人青年犯罪的担心，以致对社会道德堕落的恐惧，而且更深入地分析这种道德恐慌如何在大众媒体和社会心理中被生产出来。而事实上这种道德恐慌其实只是英国社会危机的一个隐喻。被媒体所斥责的亚文化或是mugging，以致后来其他的道德恐慌中的民间恶魔（folk devil）在霍尔等人眼中，不过只是社会危机的替罪羊。

对《监控危机》一书的最出色的分析是载于1992年出版的《阅读文化研究》（Reading into Cultural Studies）一书，然而《监控危机》一书不仅仅成为了被研究的文本，而是引发了道德恐慌的研究。1982年出版并于1994再版的《帝国反击战：70年代不列颠的种族和种族主义》更是进一步阐发了《监控危机》一书中所提及的几乎所有议题。

撒切尔主义，新时代与认同的政治

《监控危机》一书出版后一年，英国保守党领袖撒切尔夫人当选首相。从1979年至1990年保守党政三度执政，然而其间却是GDP大幅下降，失业率大幅上升，英国甚至自工业革命以来首度成为纯进口国。这种政策与政党形象的反差，自然成为研究当今媒体文化、政府公关对公众影响的绝佳个案。霍尔将此视为战后英国文化与政治生活的历史转折点，他将保守党这种意识形态上成功操作命名为撒切尔主义，并从意识形态表征的角度进行了批评。他先后在《今日马克思》、《新社会主义者》发表了一系列文章，并于1983与1988年结集为《撒切尔主义政治》(The Politics of Thatcherism)、《通向复兴的艰难之路》 (The Hard Road to Renewal)。霍尔认为撒切尔主义在英国政治生活中的成功是通过一系列意识形态想象的因素，比如英国性、帝国主义的怀旧、爱国、道德价值等，这些想象是以回归的现代化与权威主义的大众主义为特征的。1989年9月起，霍尔在《今日马克思》杂志陆续发表文章，此后重新修订并结集出版了《新时代：九十年代政治的变化》（New Times: the Changing Face of Politics in the 1990s）霍尔提出撒切尔主义是资本主义对新的经济、社会、文化变迁的回应，而新左派也应当作出自己的回应。他认为撒切尔的答案是退回到狭隘的英国认同，而霍尔则提出了“认同作为族性”的政治(The politics of “identity as ethnicity”)。这一系列作品，成为了霍尔作品中最受争议的部分，不少左翼知识分子对他提出了批评。如Jessop等人于1988年编辑了《撒切尔主义》一书，Hirst于1989年出版的《撒切尔之后》（After Thatcher），Sivannandan在1990年发表的《溶于空气的是固体：关于新时代的废话》(All that melt into air is solid:the hokum of New Times)。其中《撒切尔主义》一书中对霍尔的批评最为典型，主要认为霍尔过度强调了撒切尔主义的意识形态方面，事实它并不具备霍尔所认为的那种权威，而霍尔又过于忽视了撒切尔主义的经济方面。事实上这一系列相互争论的作品本身就构成了一个关于撒切尔主义与新时代的研究领域。在最后几篇关于新时代的文章中霍尔提到了撒切尔主义对族性（ethnicity）这一概念的追求。这一概念以及相关的流散（diaspora）,后殖民(post-colonial)，多元文化(multicultural)等概念引起了霍尔的浓厚兴趣，八十年代末九十年代初，他写下了一系列相关文章，如1987年的《最小的自我》（Minimal Self）1988年的《新族性》以及1997年的《何时是后殖民》（When was the “post colonial”?）。霍尔这一时期的研究大大超越了传统的认同政治（identity politics）研究，而形成了新的认同的政治（the politics of identity）研究，前者强调对文化团体和集体的百分百的义务与认同，而霍尔则强调差异，自反性与偶然性。霍尔的研究不是基于人类学的对活生生的人的研究，而是对英国八十年代黑人电影的研究，他认为族性是在表征中生产出来的。2000年霍尔对于族论以及多元文化的理论被一部报告所再度阐发。《多元种族的不列颠的未来：帕雷报告》，是开始于1998年的一项旨在推动种族公平的工程，霍尔虽然并未担任研究委员会的领导职务，但他的影响在报告中十分明显。报告说明英国历史上就是种族多样的，而非我们所想像的单一种族的社会，而文化与传播机构对种族与文化差异的表征不尽人意。霍尔参与这项报告，相对他的其他作品显得不寻常。而当霍尔从大学退休后参与这一项目，这一行为更证实了对他的标签不应当是理论家或是政治家，而是一个文化批评者。

关于多元文化特别是黑人文化同时也成为一个鲜活的研究领域。1987年保罗•吉尔罗依（Paul Gilroy）出版了《米字旗上无黑色》（There Ain’t Black in the Union Jack），这是基于霍尔对于种族的观点的最有影响的黑人文化政治的研究作品。在吉姆•麦克盖根的《文化大众主义》（国内有译本作文化民粹主义）则专辟一章对新时代作出研究。Mercer与Julien于1988年发表于《银幕》杂志的《边缘与中心》（De Margin and de Centre）基于霍尔的新族性论文作了阐发。

霍尔后研究：霍尔研究或是霍尔式研究

最主要的对霍尔研究的论文选集是由大卫•莫利与台湾学者陈光兴1996年选编的《斯图亚特•霍尔：文化研究的批判对话》，它是最早的以霍尔为专题的作品（此书中文版由陈光兴、唐维敏编译后以《文化研究：霍尔访谈录》为名出版）。但它并不是简单的将霍尔作为研究对象，而收录了大量的霍尔的对话与访谈、霍尔本人的作品以及关于霍尔本人以及他所作研究的文章。书中收录的霍尔本人作品包括《新族性》、《致阿伦•怀特：转型的隐喻》（For Allon White:Metaphors of Transformation），重要的访谈则包括陈光兴所作的《流离失所：霍尔的知识形成轨迹》（The Formation of a Diasporic Intellectual: an Interview with Stuart Hall），格罗斯伯格所作的《论后现代主义与接合》（On Postmodernism and articulation）。此书推出后被视为深入了解霍尔思想的必读书之一。另一部类似的作品是出版于2000年的《不作保证》一书，副标题就定为“向霍尔致敬”。此书由现在已是文化研究界国际知名学者的吉尔罗依、格罗斯伯格与安吉拉•麦克罗比主编，全书三十四篇文章.包括斯皮瓦克、洪美恩、朱迪斯•巴特勒在内学者从不同方面展示了霍尔的影响。尽管这本书是作为献给霍尔的礼物，收录文章却既包括《霍尔与社会政策》、《作为文化政策的公共教学：霍尔与文化危机》、《霍尔：大学与骚动》、《在南非读解霍尔》，也有不少篇幅是《用纯文学术语谈论文化问题》、《日本天皇制度的文化政治》、《第二次现代化失败：从新韩国到全球化的话话政治》。此书的编者也认为这本书的另一功用则是文化研究被体制化曲解后，文化研究学者们对文化研究未来所做出的反应。而这种反应恰恰继承了霍尔本人的精神。这两本书作为最重要霍尔后研究作品，展示了对文化研究这一正在迅速被英语学术界（主要是英国、美国、澳大利亚）体制化过程及其来自文化研究学者们的反应。对文化研究的历史的讲述，被含糊的术语诸如伯明翰学派、英国文化研究统一在一起，而霍尔则当成了文化研究的一个具体象征。在很大程度，霍尔被当作了文化研究对社会政治生活成功参与的保证，而事实上他本人的思想又拒绝这种保证，理应成为不作保证的思想。这两部作为向霍尔致敬的作品集所呈现出的霍尔后研究的一个有趣现象：对霍尔以及文本的研究正被纳入被体制化的文化研究，甚至正在形成一个“霍尔研究”，而这些作品集同时又在努力尝试将霍尔的思想应用于新的研究领域。因而霍尔后的研究实际上是霍尔研究与霍尔式研究相互交织而形成的场景。

此后，西方主要的学术出版社纷纷推出了以霍尔为题的专题。这一系列作品中，对霍尔的研究与霍尔式的研究的交织更为明显。2003年，polity出版社的重要当代思想家系列丛书出版了诺丁汉特伦特大学教授克里斯•罗耶克（Chris Rojek）的《斯图亚特•霍尔》。同一系列包括德赛都、埃柯、阿尔多诺、萨义德、乔姆斯基等三十八种，还将陆续出版二十一种。这是第一本完整深入进行霍尔研究的专著。相比此前霍尔研究的各种选集，这也是第一本来自伯明翰圈子之外的作者所书写的霍尔研究。这并不是一本学术传记，全书正文分为四大部分，第一部分：《完全的文化混血儿》，大致以时间顺序描写了霍尔生活的几个重要阶段，从处于牙买加肤色与阶级关系中，到成为英国社会中的黑人，到新左派的一员，到伯明翰当代文化研究中心，到处于文化主义与结构主义之间，直至处于有机的知识分子与传统的知识分子之间。非常有趣的是，作者别出心裁地辟出一节：伯明翰的教学与研究，其中大篇幅列出了伯明翰当代文化研究中心的课程，将霍尔参与的教学与研究实践作为他思想轨迹的一个重要组成部分。第二部分：《表征与意识形态》。这也是霍尔分析社会文化的两个重要概念。作者在这一部分着重分析了霍尔对《马克思1857年序言》读解中所阐释的对经济决定论的否定，葛兰西的霸权概念对霍尔的影响，阿尔都塞的意识形态的想像关系，以及伏罗希洛夫、巴赫金思想对霍尔的影响，以及最近拉克劳（Laclou）与莫弗（Mouffe）采用福柯的话语观念对意识形态与表征取向的影响。第三部分：国家与社会，分析了霍尔从《仪式性反抗》到新时代的一系列研究。第四部分：文化与文明，则集中讨论了霍尔对于文化、族性、后殖民的论述。有意思的是，作者特意提及了霍尔对社会学家埃里亚斯思想的忽视，由于埃里亚斯在西方国家中最新楚地明析了文明这一概念，霍尔对他的忽视被认为是一个重大遗漏。此书也是全部以霍尔为研究主题的作品中，对霍尔提出不少批评意见和指出霍尔本人研究缺陷的少数作品。

Sage出版社于2004年也出版了一部关于霍尔的新书，《理解霍尔》（Understanding Stuart Hall）由英国桑德兰大学媒体与文化研究高级讲师海伦•达维]执笔。全书同样按时间顺序分为八个部分，《遭遇祖国》、《极严重问题》这两部分讲述了他“前伯明翰”时期的思想历程，第三部分：问题中的媒体，则集中介绍了霍尔对电视以及媒体的研究。第四部分：与天使摔跤，主要评论了马克思、葛兰西与阿尔都塞等人思想对霍尔的影响，作者介绍了一部较少为人关注的霍尔的作品，在英格厄姆（Ingrham）所编《足球流氓》（Football Hooliganism）一书中，霍尔以足球流氓为个案所做的研究。达维斯没有过多地谈及霍尔主编的《仪式性反抗》，而在第五、六部分的《表征的政治》与《甘冒风险地生活》，分别评介了《监控危机》与对撒切尔主义的研究。第七章介绍了霍尔近年来对新族性的研究，同时分析了葛兰西对霍尔的影响。全书最后以霍尔的一段题为《破碎的与具体的》谈话作为终结。此书并不旨在全面概括地评述霍尔，或是提供一个完整的学术传记，而是希望通过介绍霍尔使读者直接阅读霍尔，因而全书侧重对霍尔思想脉络的分析，而不是对他作品文本的分析。同时，作者为写作此书采访了霍尔本人，因而提供了一些霍尔对自己思路的评价。

Routledge出版社出版的批判思想家系列丛书于2004年推出了《斯图亚特•霍尔》，此系列已出版的思想家介绍包括远至尼采近至齐泽克，以及罗兰•巴特、鲍德里亚、朱迪斯•巴特勒、西蒙•德•伏波娃、福柯、弗洛伊德、詹姆逊、萨义德等20人的学术介绍。执笔霍尔一书的是斯特灵大学英语研究讲师杰姆斯•普罗克特。书后附有霍尔作品简要目录，霍尔研究与霍尔之后研究目录以及对伯明翰当代文化研究中心的研究作品目录。全书将霍尔的思路大致按时间脉胳分为三大部分：为什么是霍尔、关键思想、霍尔之后。在为什么是霍尔这一部分以介绍霍尔生平为主，分析了霍尔思想的形成脉络。关键思想一部分则细分为六节，对霍尔不同时期的作品进行分别评述。解构流行一部分主要评述了霍尔早期作品《流行艺术》以及此后于八十年代，他采用葛兰西霸权理论以及伏罗希洛夫和巴赫金的理论对流行/大众的解构。进入文化研究一部分则介绍了他在伯明翰的研究与实践。编码/解码一部分介绍了他对媒体研究的影响。种族与反抗一部分，则是评述《仪式性反抗》、《监控危机》，撒切尔主义与新时代部分，介绍了他的这两个研究项目，真实的自我一部分则介绍了霍尔最新关于族性的研究。此书相对前几部作品更为浅显，篇幅也较小，集中地介绍霍尔本人的研究文本。

霍尔研究的热潮也不限于英语世界，2001年台湾生智能文化事业出版的当代大师系列中胡芝莹所著的《霍尔》，是中文霍尔研究的较早专门书籍。全书分为六章，其中正文部分为霍尔与英国文化研究、霍尔的意识形态、霍尔的媒体研究、霍尔的政治研究，介绍霍尔的生平以及英国文化研究的时代背景及其与马克思主义的关系；古典马克思主义、西方马克思主义以至霍尔的没有保证的马克思主义；霍尔的编码与解码模式；撒切尔主义以及新时代等研究。

CONFERENCES

*

Culture, Politics, Race and Diaspora: the Thought of Stuart Hall, Centre for Caribbean Thought, Department of Government, University of the West Indies, July 17-19, 2004

SOURCES: PRIMARY

Off-Line:

* Anthologies:
o Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies. Ed. David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen. London: Routledge, 1996.
* Edited Works:
o Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. London: Sage, 1997.
o Questions of Cultural Identity. Ed. Hall and Paul Du Gay. London: Sage, 1996.
o Formations of Modernity. Ed. Hall and Bram Gieben. Cambridge: Polity, 1992.
o New Times. Ed. Hall and Martin Jacques. London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1989.
o Culture, Media, Language: Working Papers in Cultural Studies, 1972-79. Ed. Hall, D. Hobson, A. Lowe, and P. Willis. London: Hutchinson, 1980.
o Resistance Through Rituals: Youth Subcultures in Post-War Britain. ed. Hall and T. Jefferson. London: Hutchinson, 1976.
* Selected Individual Works:
o "The Local and the Global." Culture, Globalisation and the World-System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity. Ed. Anthony King. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1997. 19-39.
o "Old and New Identities, Old and New Ethnicities." Culture, Globalisation and the World-System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity. Ed. Anthony King. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1997. 31-68.
o "Representation, Meaning and Language." Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. Ed. Hall. London: Sage, 1997. 12-74.
o "The Spectacle of the 'Other.'" Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. Ed. Hall. London: Sage, 1997. 223-290.
o "The After-Life of Frantz Fanon: Why Fanon? Why Now? Why Black Skin, White Masks?" The Fact of Blackness. Ed. Alan Read. London: ICA, 1996. 13-31.
o "Introduction: Who Needs Identity?" Questions of Cultural Identity. Ed. Hall and Paul Du Gay. London: Sage, 1996. 3-17.
o "When Was 'the Post-colonial'? Thinking at the Limit." The Post-colonial Question: Common Skies, Divided Horizons. Ed. Iain Chambers and Lidia Curti. London: Routledge, 1996. 242-260.
o

"Negotiating Caribbean Identities." New Left Review 209 (1995): 3-14.
o "Myths of Caribbean Identity." Walter Rodney Memorial Lecture. Centre for Caribbean Studies, University of Warwick, 1994.
o "For Allon White: Metaphors of Transformation." Introduction. Carnival, Hysteria and Writing. Cambridge: CUP, 1993.
+ Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies. Ed. David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen. London: Routledge, 1996. 287-305.
o "Cultural Studies and Its Theoretical Legacies." Cultural Studies. Ed. Lawrence Grossberg, et al. London: Routledge, 1992. 277-294.
o "What Is this 'Black' in Black Popular Culture." Black Popular Culture. Ed. Gina Dent. Seattle: Bay Press, 1992.
+ Social Justice 20.1-2 (1993): 101-114.
+ Representing Blackness: Issues in Film and Video. Ed. Valerie Smith. London: Athlone, . 123-133.
o "The West and the Rest: Discourse and Power." Formations of Modernity. Ed. Hall and Bram Gieben. Cambridge: Polity, 1992. 275-320.
o

"What is This 'Black' in Black Popular Culture?" Black Popular Culture. Ed. Gina Dent. Seattle, Bay, 1992. 21-33.
+

Representing Blackness. Ed. Valerie Smith. London: Athlone, .
o

"The Question of Cultural Identity." Modernity and its Future. Ed. Hall, D. Held, and T. McGrew. Cambridge: Polity, 1992. 274-316.
o

"Cultural Identity and Diaspora." Identity: Community, Culture, Difference. Ed. Jonathan Rutherford. 1993.
+

Colonial Discourse and Post-colonial Theory: a Reader. Ed. Patrick Williams and Chrisman. London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1994. 392-401.
o

"Cultural Identity and Cinematic Representation." Framework 36 (1989): 68-81.
+

Exiles: Essays on Caribbean Cinema. Ed. Mbye Cham. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1992. 220-236.
+

Black British Cultural Studies. Ed. Houston Baker, et al. 210-221.
o

"Ethnicity: Identity and Difference." Radical America 23.4 (1989): 9-20.
+

Becoming National: a Reader. Ed. Geoffrey Eley and Ronald Suny. Oxford: OUP, 1996. 337-349.
o

"The Meaning of New Times." New Times. Ed. Hall and Martin Jacques. London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1989. 116-133.
o

"New Ethnicities." Black Film, British Cinema. Ed. Kobena Mercer. BFI / ICA Documents 7. London, 1989. 27-31.
+

Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies. Ed. David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen. London: Routledge, 1996. 441-449.
o

"Minimal Selves." Identity: the Real Me. ICA Documents 6. London: Institute of Contemporary Arts, 1988. 44-46.
+

Studying Culture. Ed. Ann Gray and Jim McGuigan. London: Edward Arnold, 1993. 28-34.
+

The Black British Cultural Studies Reader. Ed. Houston Baker. 114-119.
o

"Gramsci's Relevance for the Study of Race and Ethnicity." Journal of Communication Inquiry 10.2 (1986): 5-27.
+

Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies. Ed. David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen. London: Routledge, 1996. 413-440.
o

"The Problem of Ideology: Marxism Without Guarantees." Marx: 100 Years On. Ed. B. Matthews. London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1983. 57-84.
+

Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies. Ed. David Morley and Kuan-Hsing Chen. London: Routledge, 1996. 27-46.
+

Journal of Communication Inquiry 10.2 (1986): 28-44.
o

"Signification, Representation, Ideology: Althusser and the Post-Structuralist Debates." Critical Studies in Mass Communication 2 (1985): 91-114
o

"Recent Developments in Theories of Language and Ideology: a Critical Note." 1980. Culture, Media, Language: Working Papers in Cultural Studies, 1972-79. Ed. Hall, D. Hobson, A. Lowe, and P. Willis. London: Hutchinson, 1980.
o

"Cultural Studies: Two Paradigms." Media, Culture and Society 2 (1980): 57-72.
+

Contemporary Literary Criticism. Ed. Robert Con Davis and Ronald Schliefer. London: Longman, 1994. 609-625.
+

Culture, Power, Harmony: a Reader in Contemporary Social Theory. Ed. N. Dirks, E. Eley, and Sherry Ortner. Princeton: Princeton UP, 1994. 520538.
o

"Race, Articulation, and Societies Structured in Dominance." Sociological Theories: Race and Colonialism. Paris: UNESCO, 1980. 305-345.
+

Race Critical Theories. Ed. Philomena Essed and David Theo Goldberg.
o

"Some Recent Developments in Theories of Language and Ideology: a Critical Note." Culture, Media, Language: Working Papers in Cultural Studies, 1972-79. Ed. Hall, D. Hobson, A. Lowe, and P. Willis. London: Hutchinson, 1980. 159-162.
o

"A Critical Survey of the Theoretical and Practical Achievements of the Last Ten Years." Literature, Society and the Sociology of Literature: Proceedings of the Conference. Ed. Francis Barker, Peter Hulme, et al. Colchester: U of Essex, 1977. 1-7.
o

"Culture, the Media and the 'Ideological Effect.'" Mass Communication and Society. Ed. James Curran, Michael Gurevitch, and Janet Woollacott. London: Edward Arnold, 1977. 315-348.
o

"Pluralism, Race and Class in Caribbean Society." Race and Class in Post-colonial Society. Paris: UNESCO, 1977.
o

Africa is Alive and Well and Living in the Diaspora. Paris: UNESCO, 1975.
o

"Encoding and Decoding in Television Discourse." Stencilled Paper 7. Birmingham: CCCS, 1973.
+

Media Texts: Authors and Readers. Ed. D. Graddel and O. Boyd Barrett. Milton Keynes: Open UP, 1994.
+

Studying Culture. Ed. Ann Gray and Jim McGuigan. London: Edward Arnold, 1993. 28-34.
+

Culture, Media, Language: Working Papers in Cultural Studies, 1972-79. London: Hutchinson, 1980.
*

Selected Interviews:
o

"Politics, Contingency, Strategy." Small Axe 4 (1997): 141-159.
o

"On Postmodernism and Articulation." Journal of Communication Inquiry 10.2 (1986): 45-60.

On-Line:

*

Negotiating Caribbean Identities New Left Review 209 (1995)

SOURCES: SECONDARY

Off-Line:

*

Anthologies:
o

Gilroy, Paul, Lawrence Grossberg, and Angela McRobbie, eds. Without Guarantees: in Honour of Stuart Hall. London: Verso, 2000.
o

Meeks, Brian, ed. Culture, Politics, Race and Diaspora: the Thought of Stuart Hall. Kingston: Ian Randle, 2007.
o

Morley, David, and Kuan-Hsing Chen, eds. Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies. London: Routledge, 1996.
*

Selected Individual Works:
o Farred, Grant. "You Can Go Home Aagain, You Just Can’t Stay: Stuart Hall and the Caribbean Diaspora." Research in African Literatures 27.1 (1996): 28-48.
o

Scott, David. "Stuart Hall's Ethics." Small Axe 17 (2005): 1–16.

在线视频

Representation & the Media: Featuring Stuart Hall

Race, the Floating Signifier

大众文化

Tue, 08 Jan 2008 18:44:00 GMT

大众文化（又称普及文化、流行文化、通俗文化），指在现代社会中盛行的地区上文化。流行文化的内容主要由散播文化物品的工业来塑造，例如电影、电视、出版社等媒体。流行文化并不只是大众传播媒介生产物的总和，而是由社会上接触这些产物的人与传播媒介的互动所产生的。因此流行文化本身是双向的、不断更新成长的。

目录

* 1 定义
* 2 学术观点
* 3 可参考资料
* 4 参见

定义

流行文化是恒变的，并且有特定的时间和地点。一些被主流社会忽略的事物，当受到小部分人的强烈关注后，有可能渐渐形成流行文化。但是从少数人迈向多数人的过程，在社会学界就被视为是研究的奥秘所在。尤其，为何大多数事物都无法流行，仅有少数事物，甚至十分怪异的？

流行文化的商品在社会上有广泛的吸引力，原因有二。其一是商品宣传。制造和发售这些商品的商业机构会强调商品在社会上的认受性，从而获取最大的利润。二是“文化基因”(meme)的效应。牛津大学演化生物学家理查德·道金斯（Richard Dawkins）采用延伸进化论的理论，提出流行文化也会依据“物竞天择，适者生存”法则在社会上散布：在社会上最受欢迎的文化产物才能生存下来，继续繁衍。
不过从社会学的观点去看，流行严格说与商业运作无直接关联，比方说德国社会学家齐美尔在他论流行时尚的论文中就倾向此观点；只能说在资本主义里面，商业运作更加速与加深了流行。事实上在古代，诸如词汇、穿着方式、生活型态、发型与胡子（可见诸于布劳岱《15-18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义〈1-3〉》里面也提过法国与意大利）都有流行，还流行了数十年到百年之久。

流行文化被普遍认为是较为肤浅的。需要长时间浸淫、练习和反思的文化项目较少能成为流行文化的产物。在部分学人的认知上，认为流行肤浅而大众，跟经典刚好属于两端。但事实上流行很多时候透过认证与操作，仍然可以变为经典。流行与经典若真要判断，应该可以从消退时期去观察：流行必定有衰退期，但是经典由于受到认可，可以维系很长时间。也就是端看社会对其的评价而定。

学术观点

* 社会学

在学界探讨流行文化方面，最早的应该是社会学家史宾塞(H. Spencer)曾在著作中有一篇探讨流行与模仿的关系。后德国社会学家齐美尔(G. Simmel)，也在短篇著作中有《论流行》，认为流行存有一股双元特色：既具有趋同、又需要在同中标异，前者是流行汇聚个体的外在特征，后者是领先者需要摆脱群体模仿，继而维系其社会地位的手段。齐美尔的观点大幅背后世接受为流行的基本认知架构，惟对其标异有所争论，认为20世纪的流行可能是由下而上的，并非上阶层者单向指导或模仿而已。

20世纪按照不同方法，基本上流行研究区分为两个部分。第一个属罗兰巴特(Roland Barthes)以符号与神话体系认识流行，认为流行体系就是一个神话体系，透过能指(signifer)与所指(signified)之间的关联与飘移，建构出一套流行的神话体系，巴特通篇是以服饰业作为例子。

第二个为美国象征互动论布鲁默(H. Blumer)，从集体选择与集体品味角度探讨流行。认为流行最大特色就如齐美尔所说的，是所谓趋同。尤其当群体一起选择某个对象时，对个体而言具有庞大的选择压力。

1980年代以后，法国社会学家皮埃尔·布迪厄(P. Bourdieu)，从象征斗争与场域的角度，分析流行。在其著作《Distinciton》内也有提到流行场域的斗争关系。简单说，流行本身就是一个文化场域，依照场域权力者／未获权力者的关系构成。握有权力，便有界定场域（包括斗争筹码）的力量，后这则在场域中被压迫，寻找出路。布尔狄厄也常以主流／异端（源自于早年基督教斗争）的方式，称其场域斗争关系。

* 传播学

现在传播学界是对流行研究最多者。但简单说方法基本上都沿着一个钟型分派图分析，也几乎以以下几种角色作为基本角色与发展阶段判断：

* 早期采用者
* 早期多数
* 晚期多数
* 落后者

研究上如《创新的扩散》、《引爆趋势》等书看的到具体分析。

可参考资料

* 高宣扬，《流行文化社会学》，台北：扬智文化出版社
* 流行文化社会学网站

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Tue, 08 Jan 2008 18:42:00 GMT

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《识字的用途》

Tue, 08 Jan 2008 15:12:00 GMT

The Uses of Literacy: Changing Patterns in English Mass Culture. Contributors: Richard Hoggart - author. Publisher: Beacon Press. Place of Publication: Boston. Publication Year: 1961.

目录

CONTENTS
Preface

Part One: An 'Older' Order
I WHO ARE 'THE WORKING-CLASSES'?
a. Questions of Approach
b. A Rough Definition

II LANDSCAPE WITH FIGURES-A SETTING
a. An Oral Tradition: Resistance and Adaptation: A Formal Way of Life
b. 'There's No Place Like Home'
c. Mother
d. Father
e. The Neighbourhood

III 'THEM' AND 'US'
a. 'Them': 'Self-Respect'
b. 'Us'-the Best and the Worst of It
c. 'Putting Up with Things': 'Living and Letting Live'

IV THE 'REAL' WORLD OF PEOPLE
a. The Personal and the Concrete
b. 'Primary Religion'
c. Illustrations from Popular Art-Peg's Paper

V THE FULL RICH LIFE
a. The Immediate, the Present, the Cheerful: Fate and Luck
b. 'The Biggest Aspidistra in the World': Excursions into the 'Baroque'
c. Illustrations from Popular Art-Club-Singing

Part Two: Yielding Place to New

VI UNBENDING THE SPRINGS OF ACTION
a. Introductory
b. Tolerance and Freedom
c. 'Everybody's Doing It Now' or 'The Gang's All Here': The Group Sense and Democratic Egalitarianism
d. Living in the Present and 'Progressivism'
e. Indifferentism: 'Personalisation' and 'Fragmentation'

VII INVITATIONS TO A CANDY-FLOSS WORLD: THE NEWER MASS ART
a. The Producers
b. The Process Illustrated: (i) Weekly Family Magazines
c. The Process Illustrated: (ii) Commercial Popular Songs
d. The Results

VIII THE NEWER MASS ART: SEX IN
SHINY PACKETS
a. The Juke-Box Boys
b. The 'Spicy' Magazines
c. Sex-and-violence Novels

IX UNBENT SPRINGS: A NOTE ON A SCEPTICISM WITHOUT TENSION
a. Scepticism to Cynicism
b. Some Allegorical Figures

X UNBENT SPRINGS: A NOTE ON THE UPROOTED AND THE ANXIOUS
a. Scholarship Boy
b. The Place of Culture: A Nostalgia for Ideals

XI CONCLUSION
a. Resilience
b. Summary of Present Tendencies in Mass Culture

Notes and References
Bibliography
Index

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Popular (in Willams Keywords)

Mon, 07 Jan 2008 15:46:00 GMT

POPULAR

Popular was originally a legal and political term, from popularis, L-belonging to the people. An action popular, from C15, was a legal suit which it was open to anyone to begin. Popular estate and popular government, from C16, referred to a political system constituted or carried on by the whole people, but there was also the sense (cf. COMMON) of 'low or 'base. The transition to the predominant modern meaning of 'widely favored or 'well-liked is interesting in that it contains a strong element of setting out to gain favor, with a sense of calculation that has not quite disappeared but that is evident in a reinforced phrase like deliberately popular. Most of the men who have left records of the use of the word saw the matter from this point of view, downwards. There were neutral uses, such as Norths 'more popular, and desirous of the common peoples good will and favor (1580) (where popular was still a term of policy rather than of condition), and evidently derogatory uses, such as Bacons 'a Noble-man of an ancient Family, but unquiet and popular (1622). Popularity was defined in 1697, by Collier, as 'a courting the favor of the people by undue practices. This use was probably reinforced by unfavorable applications: a neutral reference to 'popular'. . . theams (1573) is less characteristic than 'popular error (1616) and 'popular sickenesse (1603) or 'popular disease (C17--C19), in which an unwelcome thing was merely widespread. A primary sense of 'widely favored was clear by lC18; the sense of 'well-liked is probably C19. A lC19 American magazine observed: 'they have come ... to take popular quite gravely and sincerely as a synonym for good. The shift in perspective is then evident. Popular was being seen from the point of view of the people rather than from those seeking favor or power from them. Yet the earlier sense has not died. Popular culture was not identified by the people but by others, and it still carries two older senses: inferior kinds of work (cf. popular literature, popular press as distinguished from quality press); and work deliberately setting out to win favor (popular journalism as distinguished from democratic journalism, or popular entertainment); as well as the more modern sense of well-liked by many people, with which of course, in many cases, the earlier senses overlap. The sense of popular culture as the culture actually made by people for themselves is different from all these. It relates, evidently, to Herders sense of Kultur des Volkes, lC18, but what came through in English as folk-culture (cf. FOLK) is distinguishable from recent senses of popular culture as contemporary as well as historical. The range of senses can be seen again in popularize, which until C19 was a political term, in the old sense, and then took on its special meaning of presenting knowledge in generally accessible ways. Its C19 uses were mainly favorable, and in C20 the favorable sense is still available, but there is also a strong sense of 'simplification, which in some circles is predominant.

Populism, in political discussion, embodies all these variations. In the USA the Populists (Peoples Party), from 1892, were in a radical alliance with labor organizations, though the relations between populism and socialism were complex. The sense of representing popular interests and values has survived, but is often overridden by either (a) right-wing criticism of this, as in demagogy, which has moved from 'leading the people to 'crude and simplifying agitation, or (b) left-wing criticism of rightist and fascist movements which exploit 'popular prejudices, or of leftist movements which subordinate socialist ideas to popular (populist) assumptions and habits.

In mC2O popular song and popular art were characteristically shortened to pop, and the familiar range of senses, from unfavorable to favorable, gathered again around this. The shortening gave the word a lively informality but opened it, more easily, to a sense of the trivial. It is hard to say whether older senses of pop have become fused with this use: the common sense of a sudden lively movement, in many familiar and generally pleasing contexts, is certainly appropriate.

1. Rev. Ed. (NewYork: Oxford UP, 1983), pp. 87-93 and 236-8.

Raymond Williams

Mon, 07 Jan 2008 15:44:00 GMT

参见 The Literary Encyclopedia相关辞条Raymond Williams
参见wikipedia相关辞条Raymond Williams

Culture (in Williams Keywords)

Mon, 07 Jan 2008 15:41:00 GMT

CULTURE

Culture is one of the two or three most complicated words in the English language. This is so partly because of its intricate historical development, in several European languages, but mainly because it has now come to be used for important concepts in several distinct intellectual disciplines and in several distinct and incompatible systems of thought.

The fw is cultura, L, from rw colere, L. Colere had a range of meanings: inhabit, cultivate, protect, honor with worship. Some of these meanings eventually separated, though still with occasional overlapping, in the derived nouns. Thus 'inhabit developed through colonus, L to colony. 'Honor with worship developed through cultus, L to cult. Cultura took on the main meaning of cultivation or tending, including, as in Cicero, cultura animi, though with subsidiary medieval meanings of honor and worship (cf. in English culture as 'worship in Caxton (1483)). The French forms of cultura were couture, OF, which has since developed its own specialized meaning, and later culture, which by eC15 had passed into English. The primary meaning was then in husbandry, the tending of natural growth.

Culture in all its early uses was a noun of process: the tending of something, basically crops or animals. The subsidiary coulter — ploughshare, had travelled by a different linguistic route, from culter, L — ploughshare, culter, OE, to the variant English spellings culter, colter, coulter and as late as eCl7 culture (Webster, Duchess of Malfi, III, ii: 'hot burning cultures). This provided a further basis for the important next stage of meaning, by metaphor. From eCl6 the tending of natural growth was extended to process of human development, and this, alongside the original meaning in husbandry, was the main sense until lC18 and eC19. Thus More: 'to the culture and profit of their minds; Bacon: 'the culture and manurance of minds (1605); Hobbes: 'a culture of their minds (1651); Johnson: 'she neglected the culture of her understanding (1759). At various points in this development two crucial changes occurred: first, a degree of habituation to the metaphor, which made the sense of human tending direct; second, an extension of particular processes to a general process, which the word could abstractly carry. It is of course from the latter development that the independent noun culture began its complicated modern history, but the process of change is so intricate, and the latencies of meaning are at times so close, that it is not possible to give any definite date. Culture as an independent noun, an abstract process or the product of such a process, is not important before 1C18 and is not common before mCl9. But the early stages of this development were not sudden. There is an interesting use in Milton, in the second (revised) edition of The Readie and Easie Way to Establish a Free Commonwealth (1660): 'spread much more Knowledg and Civility, yea, Religion, through all parts of the Land, by communicating the natural heat of Government and Culture more distributively to all extreme parts, which now lie num and neglected. Here the metaphorical sense ('natural heat) still appears to be present, and civility (cf. CIVILIZATION)is still written where in C19 we would normally expect culture. Yet we can also read 'government and culture in a quite modern sense. Milton, from the tenor of his whole argument, is writing about a general social process, and this is a definite stage of development. In C15 England this general process acquired definite class associations though cultivation and cultivated were more commonly used for this. But there is a letter of 1730 (Bishop of Killala, to Mrs Clayton; cit. Plumb, England in the Eighteenth Century)which has this clear sense: 'it has not been customary for persons of either birth or culture to breed up their children to the Church. Akenside (Pleasures of Imagination, 1744) wrote: '... nor purple state nor culture can bestow. Wordsworth wrote 'where grace of culture hath been utterly unknown (1805), and Jane Austen (Emma, 1816) 'every advantage of discipline and culture.

It is thus clear that culture was developing in English towards some of its modern senses before the decisive effects of a new social and intellectual movement. But to follow the development through this movement, in lC18 and eC19, we have to look also at developments in other languages and especially in German.

In French, until C18, culture was always accompanied by a grammatical form indicating the matter being cultivated, as in the English usage already noted. Its occasional use as an independent noun dates from mC18, rather later than similar occasional uses in English. The independent noun civilization also emerged in mC18; its relationship to culture has since been very complicated (cf. CIVILIZATION and discussion below). There was at this point an important development in German: the word was borrowed from French, spelled first (lC18) Cultur and from C19 Kultur. Its main use was still as a synonym for civilization: first in the abstract sense of a general process of becoming 'civilized or 'cultivated; second, in the sense which had already been established for civilization by the historians of the Enlightenment, in the popular C18 form of the universal histories, as a description of the secular process of human development. There was then a decisive change of use in Herder. In his unfinished Ideas on the Philosophy of the History of Mankind (17849 1) he wrote of Cultur: 'nothing is more indeterminate than this word, and nothing more deceptive than its application to all nations and periods. He attacked the assumption of the universal histories that 'civilization or culture the historical self-development of humanity — was what we would now call a unilinear process, leading to the high and dominant point of C18 European culture. Indeed he attacked what be called European subjugation and domination of the four quarters of the globe, and wrote:

Men of all the quarters of the globe, who have perished over the ages, you have not lived solely to manure the earth with your ashes, so that at the end of time your posterity should be made happy by European culture. The very thought of a superior European culture is a blatant insult to the majesty of Nature.

It is then necessary, he argued, in a decisive innovation, to speak of 'cultures in the plural: the specific and variable cultures of different nations and periods, but also the specific and variable cultures of social and economic groups within a nation. This sense was widely developed, in the Romantic movement, as an alternative to the orthodox and dominant 'civilization. It was first used to emphasize national and traditional cultures, including the new concept of folk-culture (cf. FOLK). It was later used to attack what was seen as the MECHANICAL (q.v.) character of the new civilization then emerging: both for its abstract rationalism and for the 'inhumanity of current Industrial development. It was used to distinguish between 'human and 'material development. Politically, as so often in this period, it veered between radicalism and reaction and very often, in the confusion of major social change, fused elements of both. (It should also be noted, though it adds to the real complication, that the same kind of distinction, especially between 'material and 'spiritual development, was made by von Humboldt and others, until as late as 1900, with a reversal of the terms, culture being material and civilization spiritual. In general, however, the opposite distinction was dominant.)

On the other hand, from the 1840s in Germany, Kultur was being used in very much the sense in which civilization had been used in C18 universal histories. The decisive innovation is G. F. Klemms Allgemeine Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit — 'General Cultural History of Mankind (1843-52)— which traced human development from savagery through domestication to freedom. Although the American anthropologist Morgan, tracing comparable stages, used 'Ancient Society, with a culmination in Civilization, Klemms sense was sustained, and was directly followed in English by Tylor in Primitive Culture (1870). It is along this line of reference that the dominant sense in modern social sciences has to be traced.

The complexity of the modern development of the word, and of its modern usage, can then be appreciated. We can easily distinguish the sense which depends on a literal continuity of physical process as now in 'sugar-beet culture or, in the specialized physical application in bacteriology since the 1880s, 'germ culture. But once we go beyond the physical reference, we have to recognize three broad active categories of usage. The sources of two of these we have already discussed: (i) the independent and abstract noun which describes a general process of intellectual, spiritual and aesthetic development, from C18; (ii) the independent noun, whether used generally or specifically, which indicates a particular way of life, whether of a people, a period, a group, or humanity in general, from Herder and Klemm. But we have also to recognize (iii) the independent and abstract noun which describes the works and practices of intellectual and especially artistic activity. This seems often now the most widespread use: culture is music, literature, painting and sculpture, theater and film. A Ministry of Culture refers to these specific activities, sometimes with the addition of philosophy, scholarship, history. This use, (iii), is in fact relatively late. It is difficult to date precisely because it is in origin an applied form of sense (i): the idea of a general process of intellectual, spiritual and aesthetic development was applied and effectively transferred to the works and practices which represent and sustain it. But it also developed from the earlier sense of process; cf. 'progressive culture of fine arts, Millar, Historical View of the English Government, IV, 314 (1812). In English (i) and (iii) are still close; at times, for internal reasons, they are indistinguishable as in Arnold, Culture and Anarchy (1867); while sense (ii) was decisively introduced into English by Tylor, Primitive Culture (1870), following Klemm. The decisive development of sense (iii) in English was in lC19 and eC2O.

Faced by this complex and still active history of the word, it is easy to react by selecting one 'true or 'proper or 'scientific sense and dismissing other senses as loose or confused. There is evidence of this reaction even in the excellent study by Kroeber and Kluckhohn, Culture: a Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions, where usage in North American anthropology is in effect taken as a norm. It is clear that, within a discipline, conceptual usage has to be clarified. But in general it is the range and overlap of meanings that is significant. The complex of senses indicates a complex argument about the relations between general human development and a particular way of life, and between both and the works and practices of art and intelligence. It is especially interesting that in archaeology and in cultural anthropology the reference to culture or a culture isprimarily to material production, while in history and cultural studies the reference is primarily to signifying or symbolic systems. This often confuses but even more often conceals the central question of the relations between 'material and 'symbolic production, which in some recent argument — cf. my own Culture — have always to be related rather than contrasted. Within this complex argument there are fundamentally opposed as well as effectively overlapping positions; there are also, understandably, many unresolved questions and confused answers. But these arguments and questions cannot be resolved by reducing the complexity of actual usage. This point is relevant also to uses of forms of the word in languages other than English, where there is considerable variation. The anthropological use is common in the German, Scandinavian and Slavonic language groups, but it is distinctly subordinate to the senses of art and learning, or of a general process of human development, in Italian and French. Between languages as within a language, the range and complexity of sense and reference indicate both difference of intellectual position and some blurring or overlapping. These variations, of whatever kind, necessarily involve alternative views of the activities, relationships and processes which this complex word indicates. The complexity, that is to say, is not finally in the word but in the problems which its variations of use significantly indicate.

It is necessary to look also at some associated and derived words. Cultivation and cultivated went through the same metaphorical extension from a physical to a social or educational sense in C17, and were especially significant words in C18. Coleridge, making a classical eC19 distinction between civilization and culture, wrote (1830): 'the permanent distinction, and occasional contrast, between cultivation and civilization. The noun in this sense has effectively disappeared but the adjective is still quite common, especially in relation to manners and tastes. The important adjective cultural appears to date from the 1870s; it became common by the 1890s. The word is only available, in its modern sense, when the independent noun, in the artistic and intellectual or anthropological senses, has become familiar. Hostility to the word culture in English appears to date from the controversy around Arnolds views. It gathered force in lC19 and eC20, in association with a comparable hostility to aesthete and AESTHETIC (q.v.). Its association with class distinction produced the mime-word culchah. There was also an area of hostility associated with anti-German feeling, during and after the 1914-18 War, in relation to propaganda about Kultur. The central area of hostility has lasted, and one element of it has been emphasized by the recent American phrase culture-vulture. It is significant that virtually all the hostility (with the sole exception of the temporary anti-German association) has been connected with uses involving claims to superior knowledge (cf. the noun INTELLECTUAL),refinement (culchah) and distinctions between 'high art (culture) and popular art and entertainment. It thus records a real social history and a very difficult and confused phase of social and cultural development. It is interesting that the steadily extending social and anthropological use of culture and cultural and such formations as sub-culture (the culture of a distinguishable smaller group) has, except in certain areas (notably popular entertainment), either bypassed or effectively diminished the hostility and its associated unease and embarrassment. The recent use of culturalism, to indicate a methodological contrast with structuralism in social analysis, retains many of the earlier difficulties, and does not always bypass the hostility.

E P Thompson

Mon, 07 Jan 2008 15:36:00 GMT

参见wikipedia相关辞条E P Thompson
参见E P 汤普森

Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies

Mon, 07 Jan 2008 15:30:00 GMT

参见wikipedia相关辞条Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies
参见伯明翰大学当代文化研究中心

Cultural Hegemony

Mon, 07 Jan 2008 15:30:00 GMT

参见wikipedia相关辞条Cultural Hegemony
参见文化霸权、霸权

Cultural Studies

Mon, 07 Jan 2008 15:30:00 GMT

参见wikipedia相关辞条Cultural Studies
参见文化研究

Stuart Hall

Mon, 07 Jan 2008 15:29:00 GMT

参见wikipedia相关辞条Stuart Hall
参见斯图亚特·霍尔、霍尔

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